Emotional Development, Furnishings of Parenting and Family unit Structure on

Suzanne Bester , Marlize Malan-Van Rooyen , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Extended Family – Kinship Care

Extended families consist of several generations of people and tin include biological parents and their children every bit well as in-laws, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Extended families are typical of collective cultures where all family members are interdependent and share family unit responsibilities including childrearing roles (Waites, 2009; Strong et al., 2008).

Extended family members usually live in the aforementioned residence where they pool resource and undertake familial responsibilities. Multigenerational bonds and greater resource increment the extended family unit's resiliency and ability to provide for the children's needs, yet several risk factors associated with extended families can decrease their well-beingness. Such chance factors include complex relationships, alien loyalties, and generational conflict ( Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Complex intergenerational relationships can complicate the kid–parent relationship every bit they tin can cause confusion regarding the identity of the primary parent. Such confusion can effect in a child undermining the authority of her existing parent (Anderson, 2012) and feeling uncertain about her environment.

Extended families frequently value the wider kin group more private relationships, which tin lead to loyalty problems within the family and also crusade difficulties in a couple's relationship where a close relationship betwixt a husband and wife may be seen as a threat to the wider kin group. Another factor that can add to the complication of relationships in an extended family is the need to negotiate the expectations and needs of each family unit member. Complex extended family relationships can also detract from the parent–child relationship (Stiff et al., 2008; Langer and Ribarich, 2007).

The literature points to various protective factors associated with extended families that can help the parents and family meet the children's various needs. Extended families normally have more resources at their disposal that can be used to ensure the well-existence of the children. Also, when the family unit functions equally a collaborative team, has strong kinship bonds, is flexible in its roles, and relies on cultural values to sustain the family, the family unit itself serves as a lifelong buffer against stressful transitions (Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Kinship care as a cultural value in extended families is associated with positive child outcomes, all the same this may non exist the example when such families have to accept responsibleness for a child because his parents are unable to do so. In such cases, kinship care becomes like to foster care. Situations like the latter usually arise from substance abuse, incarceration, abuse, homelessness, family unit violence, disease, decease, or war machine deployment (Langosch, 2012).

Although children in kinship care often fare ameliorate than children in foster care, various hazard factors tin can have a negative impact on the children's well-being. Risk factors include depression socioeconomic status, disability to meet children'due south needs properly, unhealthy family dynamics, older kin, less-educated kin, and single kin (Langosch, 2012; Palacios and Jiménez, 2009; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008; Winokur et al., 2008).

Kinship care as foster care is frequently characterized by complex relationships and the trauma acquired by the loss of an able parent. The family member who assumes the role every bit parent often finds it difficult to residue his former relationship with his new role as the person responsible for the kid'south well-being. For example, a grandmother may have to adapt to the thought of being a strict parent instead of a loving, indulgent grandmother (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

The extended family fellow member who steps into the parenting office is ofttimes overwhelmed by the stress caused by new parental responsibilities, attachment difficulties, and possible feelings of resentment and anger toward the biological parent, besides as having to deal with traumatic transitions after the loss of an able parent. The relationship betwixt the new parent and other family members may also experience strain due to loyalty issues. Besides circuitous relationships, changes in the child'due south environment phone call for new routines, the setting of new limits, and sometimes coparenting with the biological parent, all of which tin can contribute to a less stable surroundings (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

An extended family unit fellow member who takes on kinship care faces many challenges, although positive experiences associated with such care can also serve as a protective gene buffering the child confronting the negative effect of traumatic transitions. The new parent may find this transition meaningful in the sense that it adds purpose to her life, and the child may also feel a sense of security, consistency, continuity in family identity, emotional ties, and familiarity (Langosch, 2012; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008).

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Family unit Structure and Family unit Violence

Laura A. McCloskey , Riane Eisler , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (Second Edition), 2008

Extended Families

Extended families composed of grandparents, aunts, and uncles tin be protective of children, given a nonabusive ideology. If at that place is an abusive ideology, notwithstanding, the extended family can pose every bit much a risk as a buffer to children. Simple generalizations, therefore, about features of family structure and their role in child maltreatment cannot be fabricated.

There are widespread behavior that the presence of grandparents is a buffer for children, and probably inhibits corruption. Withal, research findings on the support provided by grandparents to young children are mixed. In one written report of African-American extended families children inside single or divorced mother-headed households, however, did show signs of amend adjustment when a grandmother lived with them. However, this upshot did not seem due to the grandmother's parenting skills or direct care to the child, just to the support these grandmothers provided their daughters. The daughters, therefore, became more effective and less stressed during their own parenting tasks, and the children afterwards benefited. In the United states, therefore, the nuclear family unit relationships remain the near critical for the children'southward health and outcome. When single mothers are nested in supportive extended family contexts, the children benefit from the direct aid offered to the mother.

There take been some studies on what kinds of skills promote irenic and nurturant parenting. For example, researchers in child development found that mothers who are able to develop higher levels of attunement or synchrony when interacting with toddlers, and who are able to plant a mutual focus with the child on some action or idea, have children who are more compliant and happier than mothers who are less attuned, and then to speak, to their young children. Flowing with the kid rather than confronting her or him seems to exist the best policy for socializing cooperativeness and stability. Finally, the quality of the relationship between parents has a profound affect on children's coping and mental wellness.

Once again, the indicators of nonviolent parenting seem to exist more lodged within parenting beliefs than in the structure of the family. Coercive parenting engenders aggression in children, either through modeling parental aggression or through the evolution of an internal mental script or 'working model' of antagonistic interpersonal relationships. Although there accept been few direct studies to engagement, it appears that parents who espouse a 'partnership model' with each other are more likely to raise children to practice the aforementioned, and to develop common respect for boundaries, opinions, and interests that will benefit the child, besides equally the parents. The 'dominator model', or the traditional patriarchal family, is a problematic environment for successful child rearing, and tin can diminish children's own self-esteem and ability to forge intimate relationships.

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Family and Civilization

James Georgas , in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

three.2 Family Typology

As inferred in the previous definitions, there are different types of families. The structure refers to the positions of the members of the family (e.g., mother, father, daughter, grandmother, etc.) and the roles assigned to the family members by the civilization. For example, traditional roles of the nuclear family in North America and northern Europe in the mid-20th century were the wage-earning father and the housewife and child-raising mother. Cultures have social constructs and norms related to the proper roles of family members—that is, what the role of the female parent, father, etc. should be.

Family types or structures have been delineated primarily past cultural anthropological studies of small cultures throughout the globe. However, family sociologists have likewise contributed to the literature on family typology, although sociology has been more than interested in the European and American family and less interested in small societies throughout the world.

There are a number of typologies of family types, but a simple typology would be the nuclear and the extended family systems. To these can be added the one-parent family.

The nuclear family consists of 2 generations: the wife/mother, husband/father, and their children. The i-parent family is too a variant of the nuclear family. Most ane-parent families are divorced-parent families; single-parent families comprise a small per centum of one-parent families, although they have increased in North America and northern Europe. The majority of one-parent families are those with mothers.

The extended family consists of at least 3 generations: the grandparents on both sides, the wife/female parent and the married man/begetter, and their children, together with parallel streams of the kin of the wife and husband. There are different types of extended families in cultures throughout the world. The following is one taxonomy:

The polygynous family consists of one husband/father and two or more wives/mothers, together with their children and kin. Polygynous families are institute in many cultures. For example, four wives are permitted according to Islam. Yet, the actual number of polygamous families in Islamic nations is very modest (e.g., approximately 90% of fathers in Qatar, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain, and Saudi arabia have only i wife). In Islamic republic of pakistan, a man seeking a second married woman must obtain permission from an arbitration council, which requires a argument of consent from the first wife before granting permission.

In a few societies in Primal Asia there are polyandrous families, in which i woman is married to several brothers and thus land is not divided. However, this is a rare phenomenon in cultures throughout the globe.

The stem family consists of the grandparents and the eldest married son and heir and their children, who live together under the authorisation of the granddaddy/household caput. The eldest son inherits the family unit plot and the stalk continues through the first son. The other sons and daughters leave the household upon marriage. The stem family was characteristic of fundamental European countries, such as Republic of austria and southern Germany. The lineal or patriarchal family unit consists of the grandparents and the married sons. This is perhaps the most mutual form of family unit and is likewise found in southern Europe and Japan.

The joint family is a continuation of the lineal family later on the death of the granddaddy, in which the married sons share the inheritance and work together. Joint families were plant south of the Loire in France, as were patriarchal families, whereas the nuclear family unit was predominant northward of the Loire. Articulation families are also found in India and Islamic republic of pakistan.

The fully extended family unit, or the zadruga in the Balkans countries of Republic of croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, had a structure like to that of the joint family only with the inclusion of cousins and other kin. The number of kin living and working together equally a family numbered in the dozens.

A point needs to be made regarding the unlike types of extended families. Historical analyses of the family unit by anthropologists and sociologists indicated that people considered to exist members of a family or a household were not necessarily kin. For example, in central European countries until the 18th century, servants (who were oftentimes relatives), semipermanent residents, visitors, workers, and boarders were considered to be members of the household. The term familia was used to announce large households rather than "family" in the modern sense. Until the 18th century, no word for nuclear family was employed in Germany but the term "with wife and children." Frédéric Le Play, considered to exist the father of empirical family folklore, discussed the emergence of the nuclear family every bit a product of the industrial revolution. He likewise characterized the nuclear family unit, the famille, as unstable in comparison with the stem family unit.

Ane theory regarding the alter from feudal familia to the famille of Western Europe is based on the following analysis. Later on the reformation, vassals left the feudal towns to seek piece of work in the cities. This led to the separation of the dwelling place and place of work and resulted in privacy and the sentimentality of the nuclear family. This pattern, all the same, was non establish among the peasants in the agricultural areas. The strengthening of the relationship between parents and children was also a consequence of the religious influence of the Age of Enlightenment. These changes led to the releasing of servants from the close community of the household. Servants and workers became less personal and office of the household and more contractual. This led to the emergence of many new nuclear families (east.yard., those of early on factory workers and clerks). A new word in German language, Haus, referred simply to those living inside it.

Historical analyses of the family during this flow in Western Europe too emphasize that non all families were large extended families considering establishing this type of household was dependent on land ownership. Most families worked for large feudal types of households and were essentially nuclear in structure. In England during this period, where land ownership was restricted to the nobility, the vast bulk of families, which either worked for the landowners or rented small plots, were necessarily nuclear families.

three.ii.1 The Nuclear Family: Separate or Part of the Extended Family unit?

The key element in studying different types of family unit structure and its relationships with psychological development of the children, its economic base, and its culture is the nuclear family. In 1949, Murdock made an of import distinction regarding the relationship of the nuclear family to the extended family unit: "The nuclear family unit is a universal homo social grouping. Either as the sole prevailing course of the family unit or as the basic unit of measurement from which more circuitous familial forms are compounded, it exists as a distinct and strongly functional group in every known guild."

Murdock made an of import indicate: The nuclear family is prevalent in all societies, not necessarily every bit an autonomous unit of measurement just because the extended family is essentially a constellation of nuclear families across at least three generations. Parsons' theory that the accommodation of the family unit to the industrial revolution required a nuclear family structure resulting in its isolation from its traditional extended family and kinship network, leading to psychological isolation and anomie, has had a strong influence on psychological and sociological theorizing almost the nuclear family unit. Notwithstanding, studies of social networks in North America and northern Europe have shown that the hypothesized isolation of the nuclear family is a myth. Nuclear families, even in these industrial countries, have networks with grandparents, brothers and sisters, and other kin. The question is the degree of contact and communication with these kin, even in nations of northern and southern Europe.

A second issue relates to the dissimilar cycles of family, from the moment of spousal relationship to the decease of the parents or grandparents. The archetype three-generation extended family unit has a lifetime of perhaps 20–30 years. The death of the grandparent, the patriarch of an extended family unit, results in one bike closing and the beginning of a new bike with two or three nuclear families, the married and unmarried sons and daughters. These are nuclear families in transition. Some will grade new extended families, others may not have children, some will not ally, and others (e.one thousand., the second son in the stem family) will not have the economic base to form a new stem family. That is, fifty-fifty in cultures with a dominant extended family organisation, in that location are ever nuclear families.

A third event is the conclusion of a nuclear family unit. This is related to place of mutual residence or the "household" of the nuclear family. Demographic studies of the family usually employ the term household in determining the number of people residing in the residence and their roles. Still, there is a paradox between the concepts household and family unit equally employed in demographic studies. Household refers to counting the number of persons in a business firm. If at that place are two generations, parents and the children, they are identified every bit a nuclear family unit. However, this may lead to erroneous conclusions about the pct of nuclear families in a country. For example, in a European demographic report, Frg and Austria had lower percentages of nuclear families than Greece. This appears to be strange considering Greece is known to be a country with a strong extended family system. However, demographic statistics provide only "surface" information, which is hard to interpret without information most attitudes, values, and interactions between family unit members. Nuclear households in Greece, as in many other countries throughout the world, are very near to the grandparents—in the flat adjacent door, on the next floor, or in the neighborhood—and the visits and telephone calls between kin are very frequent. Thus, although nuclear in terms of common residence, the families are in fact extended in terms of their relationships and interactions.

In addition, there is the psychological component of those who one considers to be family. Social representation of his or her family may consist of a mosaic of parents, brothers and sisters, grandparents, uncles, and aunts and cousins on both sides, together with different degrees of emotional attachments to each one, different types of interactions, bonds, memories, etc. Each person has a genealogical tree consisting of a constellation of overlapping kinship groups—through the mother, father, mother in law, male parent-in-law, but besides through the sister-in-law, brother-in-law, cousin-in-police force, etc. The overlapping circles of nuclear families in this constellation of kin relationships are almost endless. Both the psychological dimension of family—i'due south social representation—and the culturally specified definition of which kin relationships are important determine which kin affiliations are important to the individual ("my favorite aunt") or the family ("our older blood brother's" family) and which are important in the clan (the "Zaman" extended family) or customs (the "Johnsons" nuclear family unit). Thus, it is non and then of import "who lives in the box" but, rather, the types of affiliations and psychological ties with the constellation of different family members or kin in the person'south conception of his or her family, whether it is an "independent" nuclear family in Germany or an "extended family unit" in Nigeria.

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Social Media and Sorting Out Family unit Relationships

Jolynna Sinanan , in Emotions, Technology, and Social Media, 2016

Abstract

Families and extended families already nowadays an entangled terrain of emotional feel that is further complicated by the range of technologies available for communication. This chapter argues that choosing between platforms to convey different content is deeply embedded in relationships, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in a small downward in Trinidad. For this statement, "polymedia," a term coined by Madianou and Miller (2012, 2013), is a particularly useful theory of communications for personal relationships. Polymedia captures how Trinidadians navigate the expectations and etiquette within the messiness of lived relationships, where resolving conflicts and tensions take consequences, face-to-face. As social media bridges different aspects of relationships, polymedia is particularly physical when idea of in relation to transnational family connections. Most often, sorting out which platforms to use is heavily intertwined with sorting out relationships, where sparing emotions and keeping peace are valued amongst extended families living in modest towns.

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Data Collection

Kevin John O'Connor , Sue Ammen , in Play Therapy Treatment Planning and Interventions (Second Edition), 2013

Extended Family unit History

Information almost the extended families is useful for several reasons. First, it is important to sympathize how the extended family is currently involved with the child client and his or her family. Also, because many caregivers bring their own histories of being parented into parenting relationships with their children, data well-nigh their family-of-origin experiences may exist helpful. How much you decide to focus on this expanse when gathering the initial intake information depends on how much the presenting maternal grandmother had moved into the home approximately eight months before and was providing afterschool treat the child. She was an alcoholic and extremely critical of the child. One family session in which the grandmother was included provided a articulate picture, for both the play therapist and the parents, of the subversive interaction between this grandparent and the kid. The parents immediately made changes in the environs to limit the contact the grandparent had with the child, and provided the child with messages to annul the negative messages she had been getting from the grandmother. The parents were referred to Al-Anon resource in the community. Inside a month, the child was doing better in schoolhouse and play therapy was discontinued.

Example Example

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CPTED Concepts and Strategies

Timothy D. Crowe , Lawrence J. Fennelly , in Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (Third Edition), 2013

Three-Generation Housing

It is difficult for extended families to live in shut proximity in public housing environments. Immature families may have to move beyond boondocks to another site to find an apartment. As the immature family grows in number of children, it is mutual for them to accept to move several times to find more bedroom infinite. Over time the same families need less space as older children get out the abode. A new concept of three-generation housing is actually a rebirth of the pre-World War 2 practice of providing room for boarders within the existing house blueprint.

Iii-generation housing concepts include the planning of architectural options to change existing structures to increase apartment size or to provide for rental opportunities within ane structure. That is, the apartment is designed to be broken into 2 apartments of various sizes. Conversely, an apartment could be designed to provide for an attic or attached efficiency that could be used for short-term rentals by college students or single tenants who tin provide the developed presence needed to support a lone parent. Public housing applications will vary only to the extent of who serves every bit the landlord.

Three-generation planning for public housing provides architectural options that make information technology possible for extended families to stay close. Apartments may exist modified or originally designed to allow for either upsizing or downsizing the number of bedrooms. 1-bedroom flats may be joined or separated as families change. Two kitchens in one large apartment may be useful in promoting harmony among an extended family. This apartment could exist divide when the large family unit moves out. Such flexibility allows the apartment to undergo many changes over the years to accommodate the needs of various and changing families.

The value of three-generation housing is potentially enormous. The alone parent will benefit from the potential support of other adults inside the home. Child supervision volition ameliorate, which may result in less delinquency and vandalism. Higher achievement levels in school may result from improved attendance and study habits that will be influenced by increased parenting and supervision. Finally, it should exist expected that quality-of-life problems will be afflicted in positive means, thus making the housing community more than popular for working families.

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Ethnocultural Dynamics and Caused Aphasia

Joan C. Payne , in Acquired Aphasia (Third Edition), 1998

American Indian/Alaska Natives

Within tribes that value extended families, Indian elderly are highly valued and occupy an important identify in making major decisions for the family and tribe. About three-fourths of rural American Indians betwixt 65 and 74 years of age live with their families, whereas just about one-half of the urban Indian population over age 75 live within a family surroundings. Those who live with their children do so considering of cultural preferences and the ability to share in family resource. Care is mostly given by the families or in elderly facilities on reservations (Red Equus caballus, 1990). Other differences between rural- and urban-dwelling elderly can be seen in the rates of nursing home placement. Urban elderly are more probable to be placed in nursing homes than are rural elderly (Manson & Calloway, 1990).

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Fertility Theory: Theory of Intergenerational Wealth Flows

Kristin Snopkowski , Hillard Kaplan , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Role of the Family unit in Fertility Controlling

While Caldwell conceptualized the extended family as a family unit structure that required transfers from young to old members, other researchers take argued that extended kin operate to provide additional resources for childbearing ( Hrdy, 2005). The loss of the extended family structure may mean that the costs of children become larger for parents because they cannot be dispersed to extended kin members (Turke, 1989) or that pronatal messages, which may come up disproportionally from kin, are reduced as individuals are located farther from extended kin members (Newson et al., 2005).

Testify has been mounting for the positive furnishings extended kin (usually parents or in-laws) have on the survivorship of children and fertility rates. Children are more likely to survive in many contexts if grandparents are alive, with effects mostly being strongest for maternal grandmothers (Beise and Voland, 2002; Beise, 2005; Hadley, 2004; Kemkes-Grottenthalef, 2005; Lahdenperä et al., 2004; Sear et al., 2000; Sear, 2008; Tymicki, 2004). There is besides testify that grandmothers have positive effects on children's nutritional status (Gibson and Mace, 2005; Sear et al., 2000). In several contexts, grandmothers provide needed help to children and grandchildren; grandmothers reduce mother'south work energy expenditure and reduce maternal direct child care among the Aka foragers of key Africa (Meehan et al., 2013), they reduce take chances of grandchild mortality and low birth weight when they are the primary source of support for mothers in Puerto Rico (Scelza, 2011), and they relieve daughters of heavy domestic tasks in rural Ethiopia (Gibson and Mace, 2005). Finally, at that place is evidence that individuals who take close bonds with parents are more than likely to engage in reproduction (Mathews and Sear, 2013a,b; Waynforth, 2012) and that having kin bachelor who provide child intendance increment the likelihood of additional births (Bereczkei, 1998; Kaptijn et al., 2010). This thriving research area has demonstrated the positive effects grandparents take on grandchild outcomes, again providing evidence that resources menses from parents to children and grandchildren instead of the reverse.

Given that the variation in kin furnishings beyond contexts is not well understood and we await kin to have differing furnishings depending on the local fertility norms and socioecologies, this provides a thriving area for hereafter research. Further, we may await variation depending on the type of kin member, every bit some kin are more closely related than others and some kin have their own reproductive opportunities, which may lead to kin reproductive conflict instead of cooperation. Empirical bear witness shows mothers-in-law tend to accept a positive consequence on fertility outcomes for daughters-in-law (more so than mothers on daughter's fertility) (Sear and Coall, 2011), but we practise not truly empathize why this occurs. Both social and economic hypotheses have been brought forward equally potential explanations, but futurity work volition likely explore this evolutionary puzzle.

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Assessing and Treating American Indian and Alaska Native People

Denise A. Dillard , Spero M. Manson , in Handbook of Multicultural Mental Health (Second Edition), 2013

C Utilize of Alternative Sources of Information

Family members (including extended family), community members, and medicine men or tribal doctors can be invaluable sources to consult (with a client'south consent). As part of the civilization and the customer's daily life, these individuals possess a rich understanding of the client'due south social, emotional, concrete, and spiritual functioning across time. In improver, these individuals are possibly near able to return culturally sensitive and accurate judgments about pathology. For case, information technology may be difficult for a non-AI/AN clinician to decipher whether an AI male person'south high level of mistrust stems from a realistic demand to protect himself from the dangers and injury associated with discrimination or if he is paranoid in a delusional sense. Family and community members might rather effortlessly exist able to identify the mistrust as normal or pathological.

To requite another example, O'Nell and Mitchell (1996) conducted in-depth interviews with teens and other customs members virtually teen drinking in a Northern Plains community. The customs definition of pathological drinking was not related to frequency or quantity of booze consumption. Instead, local norms defined a teen as having a drinking trouble when drinking interfered with the adolescent'south conquering of cultural values similar courage, modesty, humor, generosity, and family honor. Thus, in assessing a potential booze problem, asking a Northern Plains boyish if she or he felt these values were affected by alcohol use might prove more fruitful than request how oft or how much the youth drinks. The People Enkindling project of the Center for Alaska Native Health Research also found that definitions of sobriety amidst ANs interviewed emphasized culture, spirituality, and interpersonal responsibleness rather than the amount or frequency of alcohol consumed (Mohatt et al., 2008; Mohatt et al., 2004).

Other sources to consider consulting include clinicians with AI/AN feel, anthropologists who have researched the particular tribe or group, and the academic literature (ethnographies, histories, and the literature of the culture; Westermeyer, 1987). Abode or school observations might besides help capture for the clinician the "flavour" of a client's life beyond the capabilities of any examination. Observing an AI/AN engaging in hobbies or other activities can assistance provide a balanced view of the client as possessing strengths in addition to weaknesses. For example, an AI child might be performing well beneath average in academics and seem to be severely delayed according to intellectual testing and instructor observations. However, during a home visit, a clinician might notice the child has a potent facility in beadwork, making highly complex patterns. The "delay" thus might not be as severe as thought and more related to cultural issues like activity preferences and language rather than innate power.

On a final note, assessing the client'south level of acculturation to Western means and enculturation or identification with his or her own cultural roots should be a focus with most every AI/AN. As mentioned by Trimble et al. (1996), "For some individuals…otherwise fairly healthy, the conflicts surrounding motion between cultures may be what brings them into counseling … These issues become more salient for Indian people who are living in an urban or other non-reservation surroundings" (p. 204). These conflicts were described earlier. In improver, some scholars (east.g., Trimble et al., 1996) debate understanding the client's indigenous identity and level of acculturation and enculturation can increase the effectiveness of handling. An AI/AN who is fairly acculturated, for example, may take previous counseling experience and be quite comfortable with the process and roles of the therapist and client. In contrast, a very traditional AI male is unlikely to have previous counseling feel and may be highly uncomfortable with some aspects of his part (e.g., self-disclosure) and behaviors of the therapist (east.1000., straight questioning). The content and structure of therapy with this client thus could involve rather informal meetings at the client's domicile with limited self-disclosure over a long catamenia of fourth dimension.

At that place are several models of how to appraise level of acculturation and enculturation. Several standardized scales for AIs (e.g., American Indian Enculturation Scale, Native Identity Scale) with limited psychometric data exist (Gonzales & Bennett, 2011; Winderowd et al., 2008). Other approaches are more open-ended. Trimble et al. (1996) recommend open-ended questions almost educational activity, employment, organized religion, linguistic communication, political participation, urbanization, media influence, social relations, daily life, and by significant events and their causes while Hays (2006) uses the acronym ADDRESSING to assess age and generational influences, developmental and caused disabilities, religion or spiritual orientation, due eastthnicity, southocioeconomic condition, sexual orientation, indigenous heritage, national origin, and mender. Another useful framework is presented in the DSM-IV Outline for Cultural Formulation, addressing the cultural identity of the individual, cultural explanations of the individual'due south affliction, cultural factors related to the psychosocial environs and levels of functioning, and cultural elements of the relationship between the individual and clinician (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Although the Outline has limitations (Novins et al., 1997), Christensen (2001), Fleming (1996), and Manson (1996) present useful applications to the AI population.

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Genetics of Human Obesity

JANIS South. FISLER , NANCY A. SCHONFELD-WARDEN , in Diet in the Prevention and Treatment of Affliction, 2001

C. Linkage Studies in Humans

Linkage studies in humans are conducted with large extended families or with nuclear families. A conceptually simple and practical method is the nonparametric sib-pair linkage method that provides statistical evidence of linkage between a quantitative phenotype and a genetic marker [1, 59]. The method is based on the concept that siblings who share a greater number of alleles (1 or ii) identical by descent fifteen at a linked marker locus should too share more alleles at the phenotypic locus of interest and should be phenotypically more similar than siblings who share fewer mark alleles (0 or 1). The method has been expanded to utilise data from multiple markers, allowing college resolution mapping [lx]. Linkage studies do not identify any specific factor but are useful in identifying candidate genes for further study.

A number of whole genome scans and linkage studies covering smaller chromosomal regions, published every bit of Oct 1999, identified 56 QTLs for various measures of adiposity, respiratory quotient, metabolic rate, and plasma leptin levels in humans (for details, run across [11]). Many of these chromosomal loci comprise candidate genes for obesity, including genes known to cause unmarried-gene obesity (Section 5). Linkage studies advise that the LEP cistron or a gene very near it on 7q31. three contributes to obesity in several dissimilar populations although the monogenic syndrome of leptin deficiency is rare [61–65]. 1 group linked both the LEPR [66] and MC4R [67] genes to multigenic obesity-related phenotypes in French Canadians. Candidate genes first identified through linkage studies include the adrenergic receptors [68, 69], UCP2/UCP3 [lxx], and ADA [56].

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